Radical feminists point to the testimony of well known participants in pornography, such as Traci Lords and Linda Boreman , and argue that most female performers are coerced into pornography, either by somebody else, or by an unfortunate set of circumstances.
The feminist anti-pornography movement was galvanized by the publication of Ordeal , in which Linda Boreman who under the name of "Linda Lovelace" had starred in Deep Throat stated that she had been beaten, raped, and pimped by her husband Chuck Traynor , and that Traynor had forced her at gunpoint to make scenes in Deep Throat , as well as forcing her, by use of both physical violence against Boreman as well as emotional abuse and outright threats of violence, to make other pornographic films. Dworkin, MacKinnon, and Women Against Pornography issued public statements of support for Boreman, and worked with her in public appearances and speeches.
Radical feminists hold the view that pornography contributes to sexism, arguing that in pornographic performances the actresses are reduced to mere receptacles—objects—for sexual use and abuse by men. They argue that the narrative is usually formed around men's pleasure as the only goal of sexual activity, and that the women are shown in a subordinate role. Some opponents believe pornographic films tend to show women as being extremely passive, or that the acts which are performed on the women are typically abusive and solely for the pleasure of their sex partner.
On-face ejaculation and anal sex are increasingly popular among men, following trends in porn. Radical feminists say that consumption of pornography is a cause of rape and other forms of violence against women. Robin Morgan summarizes this idea with her oft-quoted statement, "Pornography is the theory, and rape is the practice.
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In her book Only Words , MacKinnon argues that pornography "deprives women of the right to express verbal refusal of an intercourse". MacKinnon argued that pornography leads to an increase in sexual violence against women through fostering rape myths. Such rape myths include the belief that women really want to be raped and that they mean yes when they say no. It is disputed that "rape myths perpetuate sexual violence indirectly by creating distorted beliefs and attitudes about sexual assault and shift elements of blame onto the victims". German radical feminist Alice Schwarzer is one proponent of the view that pornography offers a distorted sense of men and women's bodies, as well as the actual sexual act, often showing performers with synthetic implants or exaggerated expressions of pleasure, engaging in fetishes that are presented as popular and normal.
Radical lesbians are distinguished from other radical feminists through their ideological roots in political lesbianism. Radical lesbians see lesbianism as an act of resistance against the political institution of heterosexuality, which they view as violent and oppressive towards women. Julie Bindel has written that her lesbianism is "intrinsically bound up" with her feminism. During the Women's Liberation Movement of the s, straight women within the movement were challenged on the basis of their heterosexual identities perpetuating the very patriarchal systems that they were working to undo.
A large fraction of the movement sought to reform sexist institutions while "leaving intact the staple nuclear unit of oppression: heterosexual sex". Radical lesbians criticized the women's liberation movement for its failure to criticize the "psychological oppression" of heteronormativity , which they believe to be "the sexual foundation of the social institutions". Radical lesbians believe lesbianism actively threatens patriarchal systems of power. Lesbian activists Sydney Abbot and Barbara Love argued that "the lesbian has freed herself from male domination" through disconnecting from them not only sexually, but also "financially and emotionally".
Rejecting norms of gender, sex and sexuality is central to radical lesbian feminism. Lesbianism as a political act represents an ability to create identity from all aspects of the human condition, both masculine and feminine, while rejecting societal identities that are imposed onto bodies by a culture.
Radical lesbians believed that "lesbian identity was a 'woman-identified' identity'", meaning it should be defined by and with reference to women, rather than in relation to men. In their manifesto "The Woman-Identified Woman", the lesbian radical feminist group Radicalesbians underline the necessity of creating a "new consciousness" that rejects normative definitions of womanhood and femininity, which center on the powerlessness.
As long at the word 'dyke' can be used to frighten women into a less militant stand, keep women separate from their sisters, and keep them from giving primacy to anything other than men and family—then to that extent they are dominated by male culture. Radical lesbians reiterate this thought, writing, "in this sexist society, for a woman to be independent means she can't be a woman, she must be a dyke".
According to some critics, "[lesbian feminism's use of] woman-identifying rhetorics should be considered rhetorical failures". Since the s, there has been a debate among radical feminists about transgender identities. A woman's voice was almost never heard as a woman's voice—it was always filtered through men's voices. So here a guy comes along saying, "I'm going to be a girl now and speak for girls.
Some radical feminists, such as Andrea Dworkin , Catharine MacKinnon , John Stoltenberg and Monique Wittig , have supported recognition of trans women as women, which they describe as trans-inclusive feminism,    while others, such as Mary Daly , Janice Raymond , Robin Morgan , Germaine Greer , Sheila Jeffreys , Julie Bindel , and Robert Jensen , have argued that the transgender movement perpetuates patriarchal gender norms and is incompatible with radical-feminist ideology.
Those who exclude trans women from womanhood or women's spaces refer to themselves as gender critical   and are referred to by others as trans-exclusionary. Gender-critical or trans-exclusionary radical feminists in particular say that the difference in behavior between men and women is the result of socialization. Lierre Keith describes femininity as "a set of behaviors that are, in essence, ritualized submission", [d]  and hence, gender is not an identity but a caste position, and gender-identity politics are an obstacle to gender abolition.
By contrast, trans-inclusive radical feminists claim that a biology-based or sex-essentialist ideology itself upholds patriarchal constructions of womanhood. Andrea Dworkin argued as early as that transgender people and gender identity research have the potential to radically undermine patriarchal sex essentialism: "Work with transsexuals, and studies of formation of gender identity in children provide basic information which challenges the notion that there are two distinct biological sexes.
That information threatens to transform the traditional biology of sex difference into the radical biology of sex similarity". If this was going to produce liberation, we'd be free To me, women is a political group. I never had much occasion to say that, or work with it, until the last few years when there has been a lot of discussion about whether trans women are women I always thought I don't care how someone becomes a woman or a man; it does not matter to me.
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It is just part of their specificity, their uniqueness, like everyone else's. Anybody who identifies as a woman, wants to be a woman, is going around being a woman, as far as I'm concerned, is a woman. Gail Dines , an English radical feminist, spoke in about the appeal of radical feminism to young women: "After teaching women for odd years, if I go in and I teach liberal feminism, I get looked [at] blank I go in and teach radical feminism, bang, the room explodes.
Early in the radical feminism movement, some radical feminists theorized that "other kinds of hierarchy grew out of and were modeled on male supremacy-were in effect specialized forms of male supremacy".
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Critics argue that this ideology accepts the notion that identities are singular and disparate, rather than multiple and intersecting. For example, understanding women's oppression as disparate assumes that "men, in creating and maintaining these systems, are acting purely as men, in accordance with peculiarly male characteristics or specifically male supremacist objectives".
Ellen Willis ' essay "Radical Feminism and Feminist Radicalism" says that within the New Left, radical feminists were accused of being "bourgeois", "antileft", or even "apolitical", whereas they saw themselves as "radicalizing the left by expanding the definition of radical". Early radical feminists were mostly white and middle-class, resulting in "a very fragile kind of solidarity". This limited the validity of generalizations based on radical feminists' experiences of gender relations, and prevented white and middle-class women from recognizing that they benefited from race and class privilege.
Many early radical feminists broke ties with "male-dominated left groups", or would work with them only in ad hoc coalitions. Willis, although very much a part of early radical feminism and continuing to hold that it played a necessary role in placing feminism on the political agenda, criticized its inability "to integrate a feminist perspective with an overall radical politics", while viewing this limitation as inevitable in the context of the time.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This is the latest accepted revision , reviewed on 23 September Feminist movement seeking to abolish patriarchy. The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. You may improve this article , discuss the issue on the talk page , or create a new article , as appropriate. December Learn how and when to remove this template message.
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https://ammessecuzlide.cf Adrienne Rich D. Even porn industry people commented in a recent article in Adult Video News, that gonzo porn is taking its toll on the women, and the turnover is high because they can't stand the brutal acts on the body for very long. Femininity is a set of behaviors that are, in essence, ritualized submission. The Routledge companion to feminism and postfeminism p. Feminisms Matter: Debates, Theories, Activism. University of Toronto Press. History Teacher Academic Search Complete. NWSA Journal. FrauenMediaTurm in German. Der Spiegel in German.
The Panorama producers were forbidden to air the segment, but instead of replacing it with another as they usually did, they had a protest statement read out and broadcast the image of their empty studio. An entire television program visibly on strike was something unprecedented. Cristina Perincioli, "Berlin wird feministisch" p. Hanover, N. Press of New England Brandeis Univ. Press , 1st ed. Archived from the original on Retrieved Retrieved on Connecticut Public Radio.
Archived from the original on 25 June Retrieved 8 May Pahrump Valley Times.